ISLAMIC INSTITUTIONS IN INDIA - Protracted Movement for Separate Muslim Identity?
by R Upadhyay, June 2003
Diminishing influence of Islamic clergies in centre of power particularly after the decline of Moghal empire in India prompted them to launch an Islamic revival movement, with the sole objective to re-establish the political authority of Muslims in Indian sub-continent. Being the main victims of the decline of Muslim rule, the upper caste/class Muslims more mainly concerned for regain of power or to share power with the ruling class. The contemporary Islamic theologians in British India, who also belonged to the same class and had enjoyed honourable status in the society adopted a strategy to mobilise the Muslim mass with a call to return to Prophet era by establishing Islamic institutions. Gradually these institutions underlined the need to adopt methods appropriate to the changed political environment. They got the support of elite Muslims in their endeavour. But even after struggling for over last 150 years they could not achieve their goal but only succeeded in widening the gulf between the two major religious communities of the Indian sub-continent.
Over the years the Islamic clergies founded a number of
Islamic institutions like Farangi Mahall at Lucknow, Darul-Ulum at Deoband ,
Nadawa al Ulama at Lucknow, and Darul-Ulum Manzar Islam in Bareilly with
thousands of madrasas in India. These institutions, which draw students "
mainly from the starving Muslim peasantry and working and lower middle
classes" (Deoband School and Demand for Pakistan by Faruqi, page 40) are
therefore, the representative bodies of Muslim proletariat.
Leave aside the establishment of Islamic polity, these theological
seminaries are yet to introduce any modern system of education in their
curricula, that could improve the material prosperity of the Muslim community of
this country. In the absence of any avenue to compete with modern educated
graduates in the field of their employment, the unemployed and under-employed
men of Islam produced by them were by and large forced to become
self-proclaimed holy warriors of their faith.
Aligarh Muslim University was founded for modernisation of
Muslim community with an ultimate objective of improving their economic
prosperity. It has in fact also
been producing doctors, engineers, scientists and scholars of modern subjects.
But in due course of time this citadel of Muslim middle class also came
under the influence of the fundamentalist forces, which are leading the
above-mentioned theological institutions. In the name of preserving the cultural
identity of the community they are in fact serving the cause of self-seeking
Muslim elite in their game for sharing powers with the ruling class of the
country.
Islamic institutions in India have been maintaining
enormous influence over the Muslim mass throughout the country.
But being under the control of classical theologians, these institutions
have all along been opposed to the modernisation of Indian Muslims.
The clergies being produced by these institutions have successfully
produced a deep gulf between the common Muslims and the modern educated members
of the community. In the absence of any scope for re-interpretation of religion
for democratic, secular, scientific, industrial and modern condition of the
society, common Muslims do not see beyond mosques and madrasas.
A discussion on the historical background of Islamic
institutions may throw some light as to how the Muslim proletariats are being
exploited by the bourgeoisie/petty-bourgeoisie Muslims in the name of religion
and playing the game of Muslim separatism in the country. An objective
discussion on these institutions may not be an answer to the Muslim problem in
India but at least the reader may look into the present scenario in right
perspective.
Dar-ul-Ulum Deoband.
Darul-ulum Deoband is not only the largest Islamic
institution in India but it is only next to Azhar in Cairo. Carrying out the
tradition of Shah Waliullah (Instrumental in inviting Ahmad Shah Abdali to
attack Marathas in 1760) and his staunch follower Saiyyad Ahmad (1786-1831.He
had led the holy warriors of Islam to wage jihad against the Sikh kingdom of
Punjab in the battle of Balkot in May 1631 and was killed), the Islamic
theologians who had enjoyed honourable status during Muslim rule were directly
or indirectly involved in the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857.
Depressed with the failure of the Mutiny,
Mawlana Muhammad Qasim Nanautawi (1833-77), and Mawlana Rashid Ahmad
Gangohi (1828-1905) who acted as commander and Qadi (Judge) of the fighting
force respectively in Shamali rebellion in 1857 against the British (Deoband
School and Demand for Pakistan by Faruqi, page 21)- set up an Arabic madrasa at
Deoband on May 30,1866. This madrasa, was raised to the status of 'Darul - Ulum
in 1867(Abode of Islamic learning), which gradually developed as a centre of
higher Islamic learning and assumed the present name of Dar-ul-Ulum in 1879.
Over the years this radical Islamic institution spread a net work of madrasas
under its administrative and ideological guidance all over India and it is now
the biggest Islamic institution in the country.
Basically, Deoband under ideological influence of Wahhabi school of Islam (a radical Islamist movement launched by Maulana Wahhab of Arabia) was founded for the religio-political cause of Indian Muslims for their strict adherence to 'Hanafi' (one of the Sunni schools of Islamic law ascribed to Abu-Hanifa -699-767) school of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). Its main characteristics as described by M.S. Agwani in his book 'Islamic Fundamentalism in India, page 21-22 are as under:
* Upholding the fundamentalist goals of Shah Waliullahand and Saiyyad Ahmad, Deoband was intended to be a movement rather an institution.
* Strong aversion to Government patronage.
* Fundamentalist in religious matters but flexible in political affairs.
* Calling for a return to true Islam of the Quran and Hadith eschewing the practice of tomb worship and celebration of the anniversary of saints.
* Upholding the principle of immutability of the Shariat.
* Projects the golden vision of Islam.
* Articulating an active conscious of Islamic identity.
* Stipulates a central role of Ulama in rejuvenation of Muslim society.
Its aim is " to resuscitate classical Islam: to rid the Muslims of the theological corruption, the ritual degradations and the material exploitations to which they have fallen prey since British occupation. Theologically, the school stands for a rigid orthodoxy of the classical Aristotelian type - the door of 'ijithad' (re-interpretation of Islamic law) is closed tight. … On the practical side Deobandi theologues are puritanically strict" (Modern Islam in India by Wilfred Cantwell Smith, 1946, page295). "Their ideal is traditional Islam at its purest - with a strict enforcement of Canon Law" (ibid).
For Indian 'secularists' Deobandies are projected as
socially progressive since they are opposed to superstitions and saint worship.
But had it been so how do they defend polygamy and oppose compulsory education
for Muslim girls? In principle
Deoband is obsessed with the old order of Islamic society. Their protracted
religio-political movements to revive Islam in purest medieval form and
projection of that era as the brightest past of Indian history have permanently
sealed the secular and emotional integration of Indian Muslims with the largest
majority of this country. It is a
fact that they supported Indian National Congress during Freedom Movement and
opposed partition of the country, but their communal bargain for such support
made them known as 'communal nationalists'.
Mawlana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, who succeeded Mawlana Muhammad Qasim Nanautawi after his death as patron of Deoband gave a fatwa (Opinion of an Islamic Jury on a point of law). He declared that "in worldly matters cooperation with Hindus was permissible provided it did not violate any basic principle of Islam" (Faruqi, page43). But this gesture of Gangohi, was viewed as an outcome of political conflict between traditional Deoband and Modern Aligarh. The then Aligarh movement launched by Sir Saiyyad Ahmad was loyal to British and strongly opposed to Indian National Congress.
The basic philosophy behind setting up any religious institution is to cultivate the spirit of spiritualism in the society but foundation of Deoband school was to unite the Muslim community and preparing them as holy warriors of Islam for re-establishment of their political and administrative authority. The lower middle class and the poor peasantry of the community were enticed in madrasas and encouraged for adhering to Arab tradition, which was a mark of being 'Ashraf Muslims'( Sheikh, Saiyyad, Moghal and Pathan having their lineage to medieval Arab world). The common Muslims due to inherent weakness of human beings for upward social mobility got allured to imitate the religious behaviour of Ashraf. It was in fact a subtle attempt to attract the common Muslims towards medieval Islam. "This process of social mobility, called 'Ashrafisation or Islamisation as a parallel to Sanskritisation to Hindus" (Islamic Revival in British India:Deoband by B.D.Metcalf, 1982 page 256) widened the gulf between Muslims and Hindus.
The overriding purpose of Deoband is to disseminate knowledge of Quran, Hadith (sayings of Prophet) and fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) derived from selected text and commentaries. But Deobandi Ulama utilised such knowledge for launching political jehad as a part of Muslim separatist movement. Mawlana Mahmud-ul-Hasan (1850-1921), the Rector of Deoband since 1905 had mounted an aggressive campaign against the British in First World War. In 1909 he had also organised an association of the old boys of Deoband known as Jamiyay-ul-Ansar but the real purpose of this organisation remained a close guarded secret. Deoband also promoted organised participation of Ulama in politics by taking a lead in formation of Jamiyat-Ulam-i-Hind and also provided leadership in Khilafat movement against British. It has aggressively exploited religion for Muslim politics in India. For Deobandis religion cannot be separated from politics. It opposed the two-nation theory and partition demand of Muslim League because its leadership was apprehensive of communal hatred that would hamper the propagation of Islam since it is a proselytizing religion (Faruqi, page 114).
Deoband supports the doctrine of composite nationalism in principle but its obsession in molding the Muslim life in India in conformity of Shariat exposes its precedence of religious fundamentalism over the larger interest of Indian society. Its role in post colonial India kept the Muslim masses in a state of confusion. Its ideology of workable compromise between political pragmatism and religious dogmatism made the whole community an imaginary suspect in the eyes of the majority community, which helped the Hindu nationalist forces to come to the centre stage of Indian politics.
Thousands of 'Wahhabi warriors' produced by Deoband and large number of madrasas affiliated to it have hardly benefited the Indian Muslims as far as their material advancement is concerned. Its hate-filled doctrine against western education has kept the Muslim backward and as such they are relatively lagging behind in competing with non-Muslims in material achievements at national level. The leadership of this movement was so much obsessed to build up a future worthy of Islamic traditions that, they did not wish to create any environment for encouraging their students towards acquisition of modern knowledge. They rather infused a sense of complex in them to the effect that by acquiring Islamic knowledge and imitating Arab cultural behaviour they would be superior to their fellow Muslim youths acquiring modern education.
Khaled Ahmed in his article "The Grand Deobandi Consensus" published in The Friday Times of Pakistan , dated February 4-10, 2000 said, "The civil war in Afghanistan and the jehad in Kashmir have gradually veered to a Deobandi consensus". He also maintained that while Taliban of Mulla Umar, which enjoys popularity in Pakistan was trained in the traditional Deobandi jurisprudence, Harkat-ul-Ansar (Mujahideen), a terrorist outfit in Kashmir is of Deobandi persuasion. He also quoted John K. Cooley in his book Unholy Wars that "Mullah Umar and Osma bin Laden first met in 1989 in a Deobandi mosque, Banuri Masjid, in Karanchi".
Nadwatul - Uluma, Lucknow
Nadwatul - Uluma is another Islamic institution at Lucknow, which draws large number of Muslim students from all over the country. Like Deoband ; Nadwa also draws inspiration from Maulana Wahhab of 18th century for resuscitation of classical Islam. But contrary to Deoband's complete obsession against the idea of Aligarh movement in promoting modernity among the Muslims, Nadwa's avowed objective was to bring a middle path between classical Islam and modernity. In an annual convocation of Faiz - i - Aam Madrasa at Kanpur in 1893 Islamic zealots like Muhammad Ali Mongiri, Ashraf Ali Thanwi and Mahmud-ul-Hasan felt the need of preparing a group of Ulama conversant with the conditions and events of the contemporary world. With an idea to counter both the Aligarh movement as well as the challenge of western education this institution was intended to be an updated version of Deoband. The choice of the name Nadwa got inspiration from a hall in Mecca, where nobles used to assemble to deliberate.
Nadwa was eventually shifted to Lucknow in 1898 and updated the Islamic curricula with modern sciences, vocational training, para-military training etc with the following three distinct features: